 |
|
|
And Still They Come |
|
|
Imagine a job listing with this description: An opportunity to work 8–12 hours a day, six days a week in fields where the temperature reaches up to 100 degrees. Exposure to pesticides is highly likely. Benefits include a very low wage, and barrack style living in trailers with tin roofs. One or two bathrooms/showers, a stove and refrigerator are shared by 15–30 workers. There is no air conditioning and screens are not always secure. Would anyone apply for this job? Yes, thousands do. Some are citizens of the U.S. but most are from Mexico, with smaller numbers from Haiti and Central America. Currently, as U.S. border security has closed off much of the border with California and Texas by means of fences and increased border control personnel, the Arizona desert is the main point of entry. For those who enter the U.S. without the required documents, the trip is very costly. In addition to money needed for travel to the border, it has become almost necessary to hire a coyote or people smuggler to negotiate the dangerous journey across the desert. The cost for a coyote varies but is at least $2,000. Though the coyote system provides more possibility of crossing the desert it, too, has its risks. Travelers have been abandoned, robbed or “sold” to crew leaders. Since 1995 at least 2,250 migrants have died trying to cross the U.S.–Mexico border. Daunting Obstacles Those who are successful face new challenges. Immigration officers may pick them up, hold them in jail and then return them to their country of origin. Those forced to return often lose their self confidence and become depressed. Not only have they failed themselves, but also their families and friends who sold goods and borrowed at a very high rate to pay the travel costs. These persons anticipated receiving money from the worker. Those who escape these challenges often sign up (for a price) with a crew leader who will take them to a farm to fulfill the job description. Some workers enter under the H2A immigration classification. This allows U.S. growers who state they are unable to hire workers in the U.S. to contract with workers from abroad. Though the wage is higher, living situations are similar. Fear of raids by the immigration authorities makes workers suspicious of anyone who comes to the camps. Most workers do not speak English or know their rights and therefore do not complain about living conditions, problems with wages or housing, or report illnesses. Usually the camps are in isolated areas and workers are dependent on the farmer or crew leader for very limited trips to stores and an opportunity to use a phone or send money home. One worker said, “What the boss did was scold us and treat all of us workers badly. He held us like we were slaves, like we were animals for hire. I don’t know how to say it, but that’s how he treated us.”
UFW and BVMs This current situation is similar to that which moved Cesar Chavez to leave his job and move his family to live with the workers and eventually to form the United Farm Workers Union (UFW). In 1973 those trying to block the union were using violent tactics. Cesar, who was dedicated to nonviolence, called on churches and religious groups to become active in the struggles of workers to have a union contract. He knew the presence of these groups would help prevent violence against the workers. BVMs Carol Frances Jegen, Mary Ellen Caldwell (Eugenio) and Betty Pleas (St. Laura) were part of a large group who joined a picket line in California in 1973 and spent 12 days in prison for this action. At that summer’s BVM Senate, the sisters announced support for the National Farm Worker Ministry (NFWM). The community became members of NFWM in 1976. The late Barbara Kutchera (George Mary) was the first BVM to serve on the Board. NFWM traces its history back through a continuous line of state and national ministries with migrant workers that began in 1920. Today NFWM is a movement within the churches to be present with and support farm workers as they organize to overcome powerlessness and achieve justice, equality and freedom. As the current BVM board member of NFWM, I have had opportunities to visit labor camps, hear the stories of workers, join in actions with a union, participate in press conferences and meet with legislators. It is here in the stories and faces of the farm workers that information about farm workers become very real and personal. Their commitment to join unions and obtain jobs that recognize their hard work and contributions to the food supply is so evident. It is also clear that this goal will only be met through participation in a union or other organizing group. Those who work under union contract have much better working conditions and wages. Support Widespread BVMs support farm workers in a variety of other ways. The officers sign proclamations of support for boycotts and many BVMs honor these boycotts, currently TACO BELL (organized by the Immokalee Workers in Florida) and until last month Mt. Olive Pickles (organized by the Farm Labor Organizing Committee). The UFW is raising awareness of difficulties in negotiating a contract with Gallo. The request from the UFW for a day of fast at the beginning of the campaign brought a great response from BVMs. Situations in local areas have provided additional opportunities for BVMs:
Cesar Chavez said, “Our opponents in the agricultural industry are very powerful and farm workers are still weak in money and influence. But we have another kind of power that comes from the justice of our cause. As long as we are willing to sacrifice for that cause, so long as we persist in non-violence and work to spread the message of our struggle, then millions of people around the world will respond from their heart, will support our efforts. …And in the end we will overcome.” How You Can Get Involved
About the author: Carol Cook, BVM (Conrad Ann) does peace and justice ministry in Chicago. Return
to Table of Contents |
|
